The Spirit and the Prophetic Church, Part 1, by Antipas L. Harris

As appearing in the Pneuma Review Spring 2013.

Thesis and Introduction

Scholars from disciplines other than the theological guild have observed the value that congregations play in their members’ everyday lives. When churches engage in the affairs of the community within which they are located, their presence and participation as community leaders result in profound community transformation, impact felt far beyond the walls of the church.¹

State officials and community leaders confirm scholars’ research findings that there is a need for churches to play a leadership role in transforming communities that are victims of urban blight.² Brian Gullins, Program Administrator for the Strengthen Families Initiative at Virginia Department of Social Services, comments that “State governments are beginning to recognize that encouraging the faith community to strengthen families is actually a poverty reduction strategy beneficial to all.”³ Gullins concludes that of the social service and civic organizations within urban communities, the most promising institutions to effectuate community transformation are the churches. He says, “If we could get the churches to partner with us, we could address the issue of absent fathers in a profound way.”⁴ Scott C. Alleman, Associate Commonwealth’s Attorney of the Special Prosecutions Trial Team (Narcotics/Vice) in Virginia Beach adds that when the legal team goes onsite to do a criminal investigation, most of the time there are several churches within a stone’s throw from the crime scene. Alleman comments, “It would be great if we could get the churches to get involved. I think there is huge potential for partnerships and cooperation between the church and law enforcement.”⁵

A lack of church involvement in their own neighborhoods, which baffles state officials and community leaders, appears to be the result of a flawed theological framework undergirding the churches’ ecclesiology.⁶ The most salient questions, moreover, are whether or not churches recognize that God has appointed them as viable mechanisms to lead in holistic transformation. Does their practice of theology allow them to be open and involved in community transformation? Also, given the wide-range of needs and need for a variety of gifts, do churches have an ecumenical⁷ theology that gives them reason to partner with churches of different denominational traditions?

In this essay, I will argue that a prophetic⁸ church is not a single congregation working to make right the wrong in communities and in the world but rather the unified ecumenical coalition of churches that together are a witness to Christ in voice and action. Ecumenical ministries are necessary mechanisms for advancing God’s kingdom on earth. This much-needed conversation on ecumenical coalition building has particular implications towards urban transformation.

A Pentecostal Perspective for An Ecumenical Theology

Twentieth Century American Pentecostalism was born as an ecumenical ministry—people from several different denominational, theological, and doctrinal traditions and different ethnic groups came together based on the common denominator that God was moving by the Holy Spirit.⁹ Walter Hollenweger argues that “the Pentecostal Movement started as an ecumenical revival movement within the traditional churches.”¹⁰ Dale T. Irvin points out that William Seymour, founder of twentieth century American Pentecostalism, understood that the outpouring of the Holy Spirit overcomes hate, bigotry, racism and prejudice, as well as doctrinal and theological differences that caused divisions in the churches.¹¹ In the essay “Pentecostalism and Ecumenism: Past, Present, and Future” Amos Yong laments how historically Pentecostals, as an ecumenical movement in many ways have “squandered a golden opportunity to continue as a prophetic voice not only on racial and ethnic issues, but also on socio-economic ones as well.”¹² Since then, Paul Alexander and others have taken up portions of this torch and championed theologies from a Pentecostal perspective that advocate for social activism in regards to acts of war ethnic equality and racial reconciliation. Yet, there remains a need to plant the seeds of Pentecostal ecumenism in a theology for urban ministry.

This essay is a step towards a theology for urban ministry from a Pentecostal perspective. It contributes to the necessary rationale for all churches to minister as a unified Body of Christ for more viable prophetic ministry—addressing, engaging, and transforming urban communities by the power of the Holy Spirit.¹³ Ministry must be both ecumenical and prophetic to be effective in our cities.

Walter Brueggemann describes the impact that results from the lack of a prophetic outlook in ministry. The absence of a prophetic theology in ministry results in churches that are disconnected from the community into which they are called. From a mainline denominational perspective, Brueggemann explains that “ministry most often exists in congregations that are bourgeois, if not downright obdurate, and in which there is no special openness to or support of prophetic ministry.”¹⁴ He seems to ignore the heavy emphasis on the prophetic within Pentecostal Churches.

As a second generation Pentecostal preacher and scholar, I believe that, on the one hand, it is important to highlight Brueggemann’s oversight. Margaret M. Poloma correctly points out that an important legacy of Pentecostalism is a “worldview” in which the prophetic is a central component; additionally, this “worldview” is one that makes room for the prophetic in Pentecostal practice.¹⁵ Poloma, furthermore, explains that the key forms of prophecy observable in contemporary Pentecostalism are two-fold: “(1) a democratized charism available to all Spirit-baptized persons and (2) an ecclesiastical office that is being restored to Christianity.”¹⁶ In general, underlying the Pentecostal interpretation of prophecy is a biblical hermeneutic which acknowledges the release of the prophetic at the first Pentecost in Acts 2.¹⁷

On the other hand, it is crucial for the Pentecostal theologian and pastor to apply a hermeneutic of suspicion to certain understandings of “the prophet” and “prophecy” that are commonplace in Pentecostal/charismatic churches.¹⁸ So then, at first glance the Pentecostal emphasis on the prophet or prophecy provides a promising platform for prophetic ministry that is grounded in a call to social action. However, contemporary Pentecostal churches must move beyond definitions of a prophetic ministry that are grounded in what I call spiritualist prognostication—the “name it and claim it” traditions and the “predict it and see it” traditions. Biblically defined prophetic ministry must not be reduced to merely an emotional worship service where someone proclaims spectacular events for singled out individuals. To speak prophetically is much more than this.

Leonard Lovett makes an important observation that “the ancient prophets were sent not only to foretell and predict events but to challenge the status quo in the name of YHWH. Any theology that does not seek to radically probe the nature and meaning of reality for our present moment is truncated and invalid.”¹⁹ A biblically prophetic ministry, moreover, has a communal interest with a focus on transforming “what is to ‘what ought to be.’”²⁰

Furthermore, biblical prophetic theology, as I purport in this essay, keeps the church attuned to the shifting dynamics of community to advance their mission from God as his ambassadors of transformation. Prophetic ministry does not consist of social crusading or abrasive indignation. Rather, prophetic ministry acts on God’s mission for the world, presenting the divine message so that people may see their own history in the light of God’s freedom and his will for a better world. His freedom and his will for justice are discerned wherever people try to live together and show concern for their shared future and identity.²¹ But when churches disconnect from the communities within which they find themselves, they abort hope for the community. Sadly, a shifting economy and an influx of social unrest are sweeping past churches; their prophetic insights often seem so dim that they miss opportunities to participate in a unified prophetic move of the Holy Spirit among diverse traditions (as one Body of Christ) to bring “Good News” of hope and stability in the middle of existential unrest.

A Case Study: The Cradock Community and Its Churches

To locate this treatment within a context, I have chosen the community of Cradock, in Portsmouth, Virginia as a case study. Cradock’s citizens, crises and churches reflect an emerging problem within cities throughout the east coast and beyond whose history has experienced a shift. Like Cradock, the social situations of formerly stylish suburban communities have changed. Their demographics and socio-economics have altered, making them what I call “turned urban” communities. Against this backdrop, the churches that belong to these communities experience theological and ecclesiological distress. They are often unable to be either prophetic or ecumenical.

For decades, Portsmouth, Norfolk, Hampton and Newport News have been noted as the most “urban cities” of a broader seven-city metropolitan area called “Hampton Roads.” Virginia Beach, Chesapeake, and Suffolk are commonly considered the more suburban of the seven cities. Here, by the terms “urban” and “suburban” issues of ethnicity and socio-economical status come to bear. As in many American metropolises, poor African Americans have historically lived in clusters within various neighborhoods of the so-called “urban” cities of Hampton Roads. Yet, within these cities, there are ritzy areas mostly inhabited by middle and upper-middle class whites. Two examples are the Ghent neighborhood in Norfolk, and Cradock neighborhood in Portsmouth. Through the years, the City of Norfolk has made significant financial and infrastructure investments to maintain the historical flavor of Ghent. The historically cash-strapped City of Portsmouth has lagged behind in community redevelopment, and Cradock (along with many other neighborhoods) has declined over the years.

In 1918, the United States Housing Corporation established Cradock as one of the first urban developments in America, built during World War I. Cradock was considered a model community because it incorporated advanced planning techniques of its day.²² Built during segregation, Cradock was an exclusively white community, built for the white civilians who worked in the shipyard, while nearby Truxtun was built exclusively for black civilians who worked there. After the war, Cradock advanced as a thriving, self-sufficient community, independent of the rest of the City of Portsmouth. The community developed quickly. The residents built their own elementary, middle and high schools, post office, library, churches, shops, fire station, and even had their own police car.²³ Afton Square, located in the heart of the community, was the first planned shopping district in the United States.

The community consisted of an educationally and religiously diverse population. Some of the citizens became college educated; yet the majority of them had affiliations with the military and/or worked in the Naval shipyard. Through the 50s and 60s the workload in the shipyard was heavy enough to sustain good jobs for dwellers in Cradock. For the first fifty years, the community developed into a solid white, working-class, suburban neighborhood. Its religious life was vibrant and denominationally diverse. It was a very religious community, committed to family life and various Christian traditions. Over the first sixty years, the dwellers built five churches of a variety of denominations, Southern Baptist, United Methodist, Presbyterian, Episcopal, and a Catholic church,²⁴ built in planned locations throughout the close-built community. Today those churches have aging membership, all engage in a traditional style of worship, are experiencing a diminishing stream of income and a diminishing pool of human capital. Two of the five churches (Methodist and Episcopal) have closed down. Of the three churches that remain open, two are extremely fragile and face a bleak future.²⁵

Despite its ambitious beginnings and growth over the years, in the early 1970s the community of Cradock experienced a shift. The court ordered desegregation of Portsmouth Public Schools triggered white flight. As folks moved out, absentee landlords bought up the houses, converting many into multi-family rental properties. The children whose families had worked hard to support became upward mobile. Jobs and opportunities created pathways for departure. In 1992, the prominent icon of the community, Cradock High School closed down.²⁶ By 2000, many of the early residents had died or were living with family elsewhere or in assisted living facilities outside of the area. Over time, it became renters, no longer homeowners, that predominantly inhabited Cradock. It is important to note that during this time the churches of Cradock did not change. They continued to cater to their former constituents rather than the current population nearby. By 2005, approximately 90% to 95% of their congregations by now were driving into Cradock for worship services.²⁷

There are at least two important observations in regards to the resistance to change of vision and mission among the congregations in Cradock. First, ecumenist Paul Avis correctly points out that churches, like other historic institutions, tend to guard their historic identity.²⁸ They preserve and propagate narratives that tell of their journey in history and the people who shaped their history—both the local history and the denominational history. A second issue that may at times be connected to the first one is related to the definition and the purpose of the “Church.”²⁹ The report of the Faith and Order Commission of the World Council of Churches, The Nature and Mission of the Church, points out this issue as an ongoing “unresolved issue” within ecumenical discourse.³⁰ Both of these issues seem to play a role in the disconnection between the churches and the community of Cradock.

Moreover, in the face of the churches’ unyielding isolation from each other and minimal engagement in the community, the Cradock community became dilapidated. The City rarely made significant improvements to the community’s infrastructure (i.e. water, sewer, streets, sidewalks, and streetlights). They opted instead to make minimal repairs, and then only when necessary. Consequently, there has been an increase in crime, drug distribution, and gang presence. There has been an increase in the number of low-income, single parent families, and many residents have become homeless due to joblessness and other economic uncertainties. Cradock has an uncharacteristically high population density: approximately 4,400 residents live in a square mile area. According to the website “Social Explorer,” the median family income (adjusted for inflation) in Cradock was approximately $16,153 below national medium family income, and $25,281 below Virginia’s medium family income.³¹ By 2010, a once aging population has transformed into a younger one with the average age of 31 years old. These elements of urban blight have converted the historic suburban community into an “urban core community.” One might term situations like Cradock, a “turned urban” region. A locality once a peaceful community to be desired has become the seedbed of gang-violence.³² It has become a ghost town of despair. In addition, Cradock’s demographics are no longer predominately working class Anglo Americans, but young African American and Latin American working poor.

Although during its early years, Cradock’s citizens worked together to develop the community and to sustain a good life, there is little evidence that the churches facilitated a culture of ministry collaboration. According to former pastor of Cradock Baptist Church, Rob Edwards, the current urbanization makes it difficult to facilitate a coalition among the churches to address the community’s increasing blight.³³ In the recent past some of the churches have taken on ministry projects in response to the blight at their front door. For example, Cradock Baptist Church became a host site for the Angel Food Ministry, and was a distribution site for USDA/Food Bank. They facilitated winter coat-drives and facilitated home renovations and repairs through World Changers—a program sponsored by the North American Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention.

The World Changers program saw some success. Perhaps, the limited coordination among the churches contributed to that success. The Presbyterian Church worked closely with the project, providing lunches on the job site for two of the work crews each of the two summers that Cradock Baptist Church led the project. The United Methodist Church provided lunch for one work crew the summer before the church closed down. The former pastor, Rev. Robert Edwards, saw the value of an ecumenical prophetic ministry and led in this collaboration. However, as a leader, he grew weary because the leadership at Cradock Baptist Church was not fully on board with a robust vision for prophetic ministry. Edwards is no longer the pastor. Today, most of the projects that he started no longer exist.

The churches of Cradock have resorted to their isolation with very little progress in community outreach. The lack of an ecumenical approach to ministry creates isolation. The burden of human and financial resources to sustain the efforts lay heavily on one congregation. Also, the church saw these ministry efforts as mere projects, handouts but never as hand ups. Furthermore, they did not see their efforts as central to their divine calling as the Body of Christ. As a result, the leadership voted to end its relationship with the USDA/Food Bank. They were concerned that the needy residents and the homeless would taint the church’s image in the community.

Adding to poor maintenance on the side of the government and city officials of Portsmouth, ministry isolation and self-interests among the churches within Cradock have contributed to social neglect within the Cradock community. For example, one church in the community has a million dollar endowment provided by a deceased parishioner. Yet, per the donor’s instructions the money from the endowment is restricted to the church building maintenance. We may never know why the donor would have restricted the funds to the building. Yet, this restricted gift communicates that the donor valued the upkeep of the building. It also reveals that a mindset in Cradock privileged the church building over the ministry of the church. At a time when the churches of Cradock reflected the material comfort of the community in which it found themselves, ministry was more priestly (provided services) than prophetic (initiating transformation). Now, there is a necessary shift from an accommodating model to a transformational model.³⁴

PR 

 

In Part 2:

More relevant examples of the failure to support inner-city churches, why God has called us to something better, and how we can find a way forward.

 

Notes

¹ For example, sociologists W. Bradford Wilcox of the University of Virginia and Nicholas H. Wolfinger in the Department of Family and Consumer Studies report that religious institutions, namely churches, provide positive impact on people in urban communities, men, women and families. See W. Bradford Wilcox and Nicholas H. Wolfinger, “Then comes marriage? Religion, race, and marriage in urban America.” Social Science Research V 36, Issue (2), June 2007, 569-589. Also, see W. Bradford Wilcox and Nicholas H. Wolfinger, “Living and loving ‘decent’: Religion and relationship quality among urban parents,” Social Science Research, Volume 37, Issue (3) September 2008, 828–843.

² Examples of the urban blight that cripples the cities of America include the problem of fatherlessness, gang-violence, human trafficking, racism, economic injustice, homelessness, and the education crisis.

³ A Conversation with Brian Gullins (Thursday, 12 January 2012).

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ A Conversation with Scott C. Alleman (Wednesday, 10 January 2012).

⁶ The problem observed does not suggest that all churches have the same problem. The problem exists on a continuum. Many churches possess ecclesiologies that are community focused; also, many of them are ecumenical in approach to ministry in the community.

⁷ By “ecumenical,” I mean local church coalitions. Scholars may term this a discourse on “reception” or “grassroots ecumenism.” There are several bodies of academic literature that addresses the need for ecumenical dialogue—dialogue amongst Christians, Interreligious dialogues, et cetera. I am aware that most of the ecumenical literature assumes a definition of “ministry” that is focused on church practices such as baptisms, ordination, church doctrine, recognition of members of the church, and the celebration of or administering of the sacraments). To borrow language from Leonard Swidler and others, this work aims to foster ecumenism of “mutual recognition” among churches for ministry beyond the walls of the church towards urban transformation. To this end, this work pushes the literature beyond “within the walls ministry” to “beyond the walls ministry.” This discussion deserves equal attention. Concerning the ecumenical dialogue among Christian traditions, a document from the 1967 World Council of Churches stated: “The ecumenical dialogue is not an end in itself. It is not an academic exercise.” [World Council of Church, “Ecumenical dialogue: Joint Working Group, 1967,” http://www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/documents/wcc-programmes/ecumenical-movement-in-the-21st-century/member-churches/special-commission-on-participation-of-orthodox-churches/sub-committee-ii-style-ethos-of-our-life-together/ecumenical-dialogue.html (Accessed 21 January 2012)]. The current discussion within the theological academy is meaningful; yet, there remains a gap between the discussion and ministry practice of ecumenism. Christopher Asprey correctly comments, “The “grassroots” of the church remain an ecumenical challenge.” [Christopher Asprey, “The Universal Church and the Ecumenical Movement” in Francesca Aran Murphy and Christopher Asprey (editors), Ecumenism Today: The Universal Church in the Twenty-first Century (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 11]. There is room for more work to be done to move ecumenism beyond the dialogical categories for the purpose of pushing the churches towards “local reception” or “grassroots ecumenism.” [See Francesca Aran Murphy and Christopher Asprey (editors), Ecumenism Today: The Universal Church in the Twenty-first Century (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008)]. Asprey explains that the problem is related to issues sometimes referred to as “reception” in the theology of ecumenism.

⁸ Informed by Walter Brueggemann’s Prophetic Imagination, the “prophetic” means a call to action, a call to connect the world that is to the world as God intends for it to be. Walter Brueggemann, Prophetic Imagination, (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001).

⁹ See, Walter Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997). Hollenweger argues that the Pentecostal movement was the product of ecumenism. People from Wesleyan-Holiness, Keswick Reformed, African-American, Catholic-Orthodox, and, ecumenical roots came together to seek God for the outpour of the Holy Spirit despite doctrinal and theological differences.

¹⁰ Walter J. Hollenweger, “The Pentecostal Movement and the World Council of Churches,” Ecumenical Review 18 (1966), 313.

¹¹ Dale T. Irvin, “‘Drawing All Together into One Bond of Love’: The Ecumenical Vision of William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival,” Journal of Pentecostal Theology, 6 (1995): 23-53.

¹² Amos Yong, “Pentecostalism and Ecumenism: Past, Present, and Future,” The Pneuma Review 4:3 (Summer 2001), page 18. Editor’s note: also available online at: /pentecostalism-and-ecumenism-past-present-and-future-part-3-of-5/

¹³ Most ecumenical theologies tend to address the need for common brother and sisterhood among the faithful. Few of them address the need for an ecumenical theology—a unified body of voice and action on behalf of communities in distress. This essay advances a conversation of ecumenism for a more robust discussion of ecumenical ministry.

Importantly, the 1980 World Council of Churches Commission on World Mission and Evangelism, which took place in Melbourne, Australia, took a serious look at what scholars call “grassroots” ecumenism. The reflected on the theme, “Your kingdom come.” The CWME conference insisted on the particular role of the poor and churches of the poor in God’s mission. Influenced by the Latin American liberation theologies, the delegates highlighted the radical aspects of the kingdom message and the serious challenge it applied to traditional mission theories and mission programs. At the same time, the conference’s section dealing with the church’s witness considered the church as a healing community. The Commission also reflected on how Christ’s choice of vulnerability and the Passion challenged the use of power, in political, church and mission life. Ref. World Council of Churches, “History of World Mission and Evangelism,” http://www.oikoumene.org/en/who-are-we/organization-structure/consultative-bodies/world-mission-and-evangelism/history.html (Accessed 22 January 22, 2012).

¹⁴ Walter Brueggemann, Prophetic Imagination, 116.

¹⁵ Margaret M. Poloma, “The Pentecostal Movement,” http://hirr.hartsem.edu/research/PentecostalMovemnt.pdf (Accessed, 22 January 2012), 5.

¹⁶ Ibid., 6.

¹⁷ Ibid., 5.

¹⁸ Cecil M. Robeck explains, “Prophecy (for Contemporary Pentecostals) more commonly includes a component of forth telling, or the conveyance of a message with or without the predictive element.” See, Cecil M. Robeck, “Gift of Prophecy” in Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee (eds.) (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988),728. Kenneth E. Hagin, Kenneth Copland, Juanita Bynum, Bernard E. Jordan, Marilyn Hickey, Brian Carn, George Bloomer, and others are examples of popular ministers who have influenced certain popular contemporary understandings “prophecy,” “prophet,” and “the office of the prophet” among many Pentecostal/charismatic churches. Hagin defines “prophecy” as “divine utterance in a known tongue.” Most popular influencers of the movement do not define prophecy as having a social activist element as Brueggemann does. See Kenneth E. Hagin, The Gift of Prophecy (Faith Library Publications, 1980).

¹⁹ Leonard Lovett, “Ethics in a Prophetic Mode: Reflections of an Afro-Pentecostal Radical” in Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in History and Culture, Amos Yong and Estrelda Y. Alexander (editors) (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 153.

²⁰ Ibid.

²¹ Brueggemann, 116-117.

²² Historic Cradock: Portsmouth, Virginia, http://www.historiccradock.org (Accessed, 10 January 2012).

²³ Laura Purvis, “Welcome to Cradock” (2008). http://www.arch.virginia.edu/learningbarge/Community%20History%20Website/Website%20Edit/Cradock/Cradock%20Neighborhood%20Brochure.pdf.pdf (Accessed 10 January 2012).

²⁴ It should be noted that there was not a Pentecostal or Charismatic Church in the history of historic community.

²⁵ Interview, Robert Edwards (former pastor of Cradock Baptist Church from 2004 to 2011), 18 January 2012.

²⁶ The Virginian-Pilot, (Norfolk, VA), June 12, 1992.

²⁷ Interview, Robert Edwards, 18 January 2012.

²⁸ Paul Avis, Reshaping Ecumenical Theology: The Church Made Whole? (T&T Clark International, 2010), 20.

²⁹ Here, I mean the biblical interpretation of the “Church.”

³⁰ The Nature and Mission of the Church (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2006); P.M. Collins and M.A. Fahey (editors), Receiving ‘The Nature and Mission of the Church’ (‘Ecclesiological Investigations’, 1, London and New York: T&T Clark International, 2008).

³¹ “Social Explorer” (2007) http://www.socialexplorer.com/pub/ReportData/HtmlResults.aspx?reports (Assessed, 18 January 2012).

³² Cradock has become home for the Bounty Hunter Bloods/Tech Nine Gangsters, a local street gang linked to murders, robberies, shootings and drug dealing in Portsmouth, Chesapeake and Suffolk. See Tim McGlone, “Feds begin roundup of suspected Bloods gang members,” The Virginian-Pilot (Norfolk), April 15, 2011.

³³ Interview, Robert Edwards (former pastor of Cradock Baptist Church from 2004 to 2011), 18 January 2012.

³⁴ There is a need for more work contrasting what I have called “priestly” or “accommodating” models of ministry with “prophetic” or “transformational” models of ministry.

³⁵ The “Black Church” is an ecumenical concept of ecclesial ministry within the African American communities. These African American churches are noted historically to have nurtured, protected, provided hope and propelled African American communities forward from Slavery through the Civil Rights Movement and beyond. African Americans pastor these churches; their worship in an African American tradition and predominately consist of African Americans. Based on Walter Brueggemann’s definition of a “prophetic ministry,” historically the Black Church has embodied prophetic ministry. Yet, the Black Church is not restricted to a particular denomination. The concept is denominationally ecumenical.

³⁶ Suzanne Perry, “Mission to Rebuild,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, May 3, 2007, (Vol. 19), Issue 14, 29-32.

³⁷ Ibid.